Research Study On A Nurse Practitioner Operated Diabetic...

Research Methodology Sample Setting and Strategy The setting for this research proposal study will be a Nurse practitioner operated diabetic clinic with a population of 2,500 patients. A targeted population of older adults from age 45 to 70 years, who have graduated from high school, and were diagnosed with type 2 diabetes for greater than 6 months will be used. The inclusion criteria for this research study will be: age 45 years or older, high school graduates, diagnosed with type 2 diabetes for 6 months or greater, with a hemoglobin AIC of 7.0 or greater; exclusion criteria would be: age less than 45 years, did not graduate from high school, not diagnosed with type 2 diabetes, and a hemoglobin AIC of less than 7.0 (Riley, 2013). Of the†¦show more content†¦The rational for this selection is that quasi-experimental designs are used to determine the effects of an intervention, such as diabetes group office visits on participants receiving and not receiving this intervention (Grove, Burns, Gray, 2013). Even though conve nience sampling is known to be a weak method of sampling due to its lack of bias control, it can work significantly well when knowledge and care is used to perform a study (Grove, Burns, Gray, 2013). Extraneous Variables Extraneous variables are variables that are not desired by the researcher, but they influence the relationship of the study variables (Dictionary of Nursing Theory and Research, 2010). In order to properly interpret study results, the goal of the research design is to control these variables (Dictionary of Nursing Theory and Research, 2010). A study environment that is not controlled introduces extraneous variables, so it is important to have an environment that is equal to all participants (Grove, Burns, Gray, 2013). An example of an extraneous variable in this study would be previous diabetes knowledge, because level of education is an important extraneous variable (Grove, Burns, Gray, 2013). It would be ideal if all participants had the same education level. An

Implementation Process And Time Scheduling Process Before...

ABSTRACT With increasing projects size, needing for planning and control become matter of urgency, so this research aim to develop integrate cost estimate process and time scheduling process before start construction phase. Most of construction companies make project scheduling without attention to add planned resources (labor-equipment-material) with its direct and indirect costs to get total project cost. So it is needed to be estimate project direct and indirect cost before start construction phase. The problems faced by the project continuously based on the time or cost here the role of proper planning process is appear including direct cost, indirect cost, activities plan and resource plan. Clear vision for the course of the project and begin the role of the project manager to take corrective decisions in the case of diffraction from the planned and until the end of the project to reach the target goals of the project upon completion. In this research, cost estimate process and time scheduling process and integration between both processes have been reviewed literately showing processes procedures, definitions and past efforts for best practices from different researcher’s vision and proposed model for integration between cost estimate and time scheduling. Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 INTRODUCTION Most of construction companies make project Cost Estimate without attention for schedule resources (labor-equipment-material) with its direct and indirect costs to getShow MoreRelatedThe Target Of This Literature Review Essay1372 Words   |  6 PagesLITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 INTRODUCTION The target of this literature review is to study what literature is presented on the research topic. This chapter will focus on BIM, project scheduling and on how these both topics can work mutually. The literature objective is to explore and discover what is already researched by researchers. 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ANSWER The construction industry is regarded as being inherently uncertain and complex in its structure. The complex nature of the construction industry, coupled with the challenges of global competitiveness and changing regulatory requirements has created the need for highly educated and competent construction management (CM) graduates. Essential attributes include: intelligentRead MoreProject Implementation, Control, and Termination Paper and Presentation7075 Words   |  29 PagesProject Implementation, Control, and Termination Paper and Presentation MGT/437 Monday, July 2, 2012 Curt Haydt Project Implementation, Control, and Termination Paper and Presentation Project management is the â€Å"application of knowledge, skills and techniques to execute projects effectively and efficiently† (What is project management?). Using project management allows management to assign tasks to employees whereas they focus on the everyday operations. This paper will propose a parking

Oslo Accords and the period 1993-1994 Free Essays

string(122) " designed to accommodate the Jew’s and the stateless Arabs that were currently making their home upon the region\[19\]\." Abstract The Oslo Accords of 1993 had profound potential for both the Palestinians and the Israelis. This essay examines the underpinnings of the Oslo accords alongside the impact that the process had on the rest of the world. With the evidence illustrating the complex nature of the peace plan, this essay will of use to any researcher looking into the Middle Peace process. We will write a custom essay sample on Oslo Accords and the period 1993-1994 or any similar topic only for you Order Now 1 Brief history of the Oslo accords 1.1 Introduction The Middle East has been the source of war and conflict for generations, with leading statesmen and peacemakers from around the world trying to solve the issues. The Oslo accords marked an effort by the Palestinians and the Israelis to come together in order to promote peace and understanding between the struggling factions[1]. With the United States lending their support to the crafting of an inclusive framework, the Oslo Accords were meant to provide a path to peace for the both of the nations. The Oslo Accords made historical changes in the world, including the creation of the Palestinian National Authority, or PNA[2]. This recognition by Israel created a means to justify the self-rule of the Palestinian region. Israel agreed to pull much of its military and civilian population from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. As a condition of the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Liberation Organization or PLO formally recognized Israel and their right to exist[3]. In turn, the Israelis officially acknowledged that the PLO was the representative of the population of Palestine. This step forward led to the re-patriotism of leaders and the promise of hope for the immediate future. Leadership for the Palestinian organization was headed by Yasser Arafat, long exiled from his homeland by Israel[4]. Israel was represented by Yitzhak Rabin a man known for the capacity to create opportunities out of difficult situations. With the assistance of prominent allies, there was a real concerted effort to create this five year avenue to peace, and bring about a resolution to the long running conflict. 1.2 What this meant for Palestine and Israel The Oslo Accords created the potential for a breakthrough in the gridlock experienced by Palestine and Israel[5]. On several levels the points in the accords brought both entities into what they perceived as a better position.The accords were made up of several elements, including the withdrawal of the occupying Israeli forces, economic partnership and fundamental regional development[6]. Each of these components was designed to enhance the perception of balance and partnership in order to bring peace to the area. Yet, others credit the Israeli with crafting a policy that allowed them to gradually institute a more personally favourable policy over time[7]. Many international critics cite the uncertain nature of the period allowing the Israeli government to capitalize on the unorganized nature of the PLO leadership[8]. For both Palestine and Israel the Oslo Accords meant a great deal of change and adjustment in order to achieve the best perceived results[9]. Enhanced cooperation created the first element that was meant to bring the parities closer together, yet served to only highlight the deep divisions. Secondarily, Israel would be able to reduce their standing military while nominally retaining judicial authority over the region[10]. Not only would this component reduce the drain on Israeli defence funds, it would create the perception of action to coincide with the rhetoric. A long time hallmark of the dispute between the entities was the presence of the military to bolster Israel’s position and strength[11]. In many cases, the blatant presence of ham handed tactics only served to drive the opposition to great lengths[12]. Palestine would not only experience the drawdown of Israeli troops in the disputed zone, but would be accorded the right of a sovereign to have their own law enforcement authority as a result of the Oslo Accords[13]. This extension of basic national rights heralded a fundamental shift away from previous policy and signalled the potential for growth in the relationship. The partnership of the accords meant that both nations would share information and appoint officials in order to maintain day to day governance[14]. This gradual integration and recognition of political and regional officials, by both parties, continued to ensure that each one was completely aware of what the other was doing. Yet, as a consequence of Israel’s military strength and capacity, the outside security issues would continue to be relegated to their authority, which in turn gave the Israel continuous influence in the region[15]. While both parties gave ground, each one received a substantial boost fr om cooperating with the effort. Overall, the Oslo Accords attempted to focus the peace effort in eh Middle East in order to benefit the entire region. With the recognition of Israel’s right to exist as well as the concession of the PLO representing the Palestinians there were fundamental steps forward. With clear benefits, politically, militarily and economically there was incentive to participate in the process with the clear hope of finally bringing calm to the region. 1.3 The right to exist Both Israel and Palestine have argued about the legitimacy of one another’s nations[16]. The very creation of the Israeli state following World War II out of the Palestinian occupied area was not recognized by the PLO as being a working entity.The Palestinians were not recognized or allowed the right to exist by Israel[17]. This issue was a key element of the Oslo Accords, which was designed with the specific intention of reducing tension and resolving the long running conflict. In their efforts to defy the Israeli independence, the Palestinian had cast the creation of Israel as illegal and refused to recognize the nation[18].With no recognized nation residing where Palestine now rests, Israel was not under any compunction to recognize the region as an independent nation. In both a cultural and religious manner, the two separate areas of the Palestine Mandate as created by the United Nations was designed to accommodate the Jew’s and the stateless Arabs that were curr ently making their home upon the region[19]. You read "Oslo Accords and the period 1993-1994" in category "Essay examples" Originally claimed by the Ottoman Empire, following World War One, the states of Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and Iraq with Jordan make up the majority of the Palestine Mandate. At the time of Israel’s formation utilizing the remaining portion of the Palestinian Mandate, the UN created a non-Arab state in a region deeply adverse to such a government[20]. This fact alone caused the Arab states in the area to deny the state of Israel. Following the founding of Israel with a declaration of war by their neighbours, there has been an unending determination on the part of Arab nations to destroy the Jewish Israel[21]. The Middle East was in a state of constant turmoil until the early 1990’s and the steps toward the Oslo accord. As a loose collection of Arabs, many Israelis claim that the remainder of the Palestinian Mandate belongs to the nation of Israel[22]. Lacking a clear sovereign or national infrastructure weakens the Palestinian claim to statehood and self-determination. Alongside the absence of the remaining criteria including a permanent population, defined territory and the capacity to conduct operations with other governments, the Palestine entity was under constant pressure to find a means to be recognized as a state in its own right[23] . With the Oslo Accords, Israel recognized the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people. Conversely, the PLO authority recognized Israel’s right to exist as a nation and both pledged to diminish the use of violence in their pursuit of their objectives[24]. With these letters of mutual recognition both parties felt justified in accepting one another as serious regional partners and moving forward. Reactions from differing sides of the conflict 2.1 Israel and Palestine The reaction was varied and violent for both the Palestinian and Israeli factions[25]. Internal elements within the region contributed to the heightening of tensions in the region as a response to the accords. Israelis[26] found themselves supporting the Oslo peace process on the left wing with very strong and sustained opposition coming from the right wing of the government. The emotion that the decision engendered was only exacerbated by the perceived violent transgressions credited to the Palestinian supporters[27]. There was a deep division of mistrust and bias on the part of both governments. The division in Palestine was very similar in nature, in that the Accords split the group into factions[28]. With powerful groups both lined up to promote the Accords and others intent on tearing apart the process, there was little agreement to be had as to the direction. The groups that included the Hamas led the effort to discredit and destroy the effort[29]. This effort to diminish the potential of the peace accord led to many violent outcomes over the course of the next decade. During the period of 1993-1999 there was an estimated 4000 terrorist attacks directly credited to Hamas, with a death toll of over a thousand Israelis, that starkly illustrates the turbulent nature of the Middle East region. Yet, during this same period, the Israelis have been credited with consistently stoking tensions in the region utilizing settlements and the overpowering military might that the nation has developed[30]. While the infrastructure of the Oslo Accords was designed to allow each of t he partners the space to work and grow, the result was degeneration into factional fighting that only served to lead the Middle East further down the path to continued unrest. 2.2 How the Oslo Accords affected the world The efforts to stabilize the Middle East were pivotal to the world during the 1990’s[31]. This was a deeply emotional experience for much of the world, as a method of peace was finally within reach[32]. With the end of the Cold War and the need to ensure oil production, the Middle East played a major role in the capacity of the international community to come together in a peaceful and progressive manner. 2.2.1 Responses in USA America was a deeply involved partner in the development of the Oslo Accords[33]. Following the failure of the Camp David Accords and the election of democratic President Clinton, there was a real sense of opportunity that provided the drive to encourage the exchange of ideas. President Clinton took a personal hand in the development of the peace process, overseeing the historical handshake between Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat that was heralded as the point of a new beginning in the region[34]. In a very real way, the American Nation tried hard and put a substantial portion of their prestige on the line as the United States President attempted to unlock one of the thorniest issues to emerge in modern memory. 2.2.2 Arab States The Oslo Accords were a matter of great angst for the nearby Arab nations of the Middle East[35]. With some factions voicing the practical view that the agreement was necessary in order to ensure peace in the region, there were the converse citizens that were not only opposed but violently opposed to the entire framework. In turn, this created a highly volatile situation following the initial adoption of the accords[36]. With supporters of both sides willing to do whatever it took to succeed in their goals, the state of the region was thrown into disarray and uncertainty. This period witnessed a servere anti Jew reaction within the entire region of Arab states[37]. 2.2.3 European countries By and large the European nations felt that the Oslo Accords would be a benefit to a worldwide peace and acceptance of the Israeli nation[38]. Not only were the prospects of a calm Middle East attractive to the more developed nations, the overall furthering of the international peace process was seen has a sign of the times. With some allies including Norway assisting Israel in the extreme, the efforts to find a solution to the generation’s old conflict was felt to be within reach[39]. Yet, factions that opted for violence were a constant threat to derail the peace process both, within and without the European region[40] Conclusion This essay has illustrated the deep issues that served to separate and divide the region once known as the Palestine Mandate. With so many impacts on the both the religious and social elements around the world, peace in the Middle East is a long held dream. This essay examined the role of the Oslo Accords and the impact that it has had on the world with several interesting results. The Oslo Accords were a fundamental shift away from the patterns of the past, with an effort to focus on a brighter future. Beginning with the formation of Israel and the displacement of the Palestinian Arabs, the simmering violence has only served to diminish the opportunities for the population to thrive. Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin, with the assistance of key allies including the United States and Norway fashioned an infrastructure that had the potential to guide the warring factions toward a harbour of peace. The bitter divide that exists with each of the entities is credited with derailing the Oslo Accord process in the selfish pursuit of short term gains. With the Middle East playing a major role in the world economic, social and religious progression, there is a need for a method for lasting peace in the region. Each effort to attain this peace will add to the overall probability of success. While the Oslo Accords may not have accomplished everything that they set out do, the effort provided the first steps toward some form of resolution. The lesson that trying to find peace without the majority of the population to support the effort will likely end in failure will enable a means to finding a better way forward. In the end, it will not be a single set of accords or laws that will make the difference, it will be the recognition by both factions that they each have a right to not only exist, but be happy that will provide the means to reach the next level of civilization in the region. Bibliography Armstrong, K. 1996. One city, three faiths. London: HarperCollins. Atran, S., Axelrod, R., Davis, R. and Others. 2007. Sacred barriers to conflict resolution.Science, 317 pp. 1039–1040. Barnett, M. 1999. Culture, strategy and foreign policy change: Israel’s road to Oslo. European Journal of International Relations, 5 (1), pp. 5–36. Brown, N. J. 2003. Palestinian politics after the Oslo Accords. Berkeley: University of California Press. Celso, A. N. 2003. The Death of the Oslo Accords: Israeli Security Options in the Post-Arafat Era. Mediterranean Quarterly, 14 (1), pp. 67–84. Freedman, R. O. 1998. The Middle East and the peace process. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Gorelick, B. A. 2003. The Israeli Response to Palestinian Breach of the Oslo Agreements. New Eng. J. Int’l Comp. L., 9 pp. 651–695. Hatina, M. 1999. Hamas and the Oslo Accords: religious dogma in a changing political reality.Mediterranean Politics, 4 (3), pp. 37–55. Horowitz, D. 2005. Occupation and Settlement. Discovery, 1 (2), pp. 1-5. Jones, D. 1999. Cosmopolitan mediation?. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Kelman, H. C. 1999. The interdependence of Israeli and Palestinian national identities: The role of the other in existential conflicts. Journal of Social Issues, 55 (3), pp. 581–600. Pundak, R. 2001. From Oslo to Taba: What Went Wrong?. Survival, 43 (3), pp. 31–45. Rynhold, J. 2007. Cultural Shift and Foreign Policy Change Israel and the Making of the Oslo Accords. Cooperation and Conflict, 42 (4), pp. 419–440. Sasley, B. E. 2010. Affective attachments and foreign policy: Israel and the 1993 Oslo Accords.European Journal of International Relations, 16 (4), pp. 687–709. Weinberger, P. E. 2006. Co-opting the PLO. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Zureik, E. Sammy Smooha, The Orientation and Politicization of the Arab Minority in Israel, Monograph Series on the Middle East, No. 2 (Haifa: Institute of Middle East Studies, Haifa University, 1984). Pp. 230. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 19 (02), pp. 225–227. [1] Brown, N. J. 2003. Palestinian politics after the Oslo Accords p. 7 [2] Ibid p. 9 [3] Ibid p. 10 [4] Ibid p. 10 [5] Jones, D. 1999. Cosmopolitan mediation?. Manchester: Manchester University Press p. 131. [6] Rynhold, J. 2007. Cultural Shift and Foreign Policy Change Israel and the Making of the Oslo Accords. p. 420 [7] Weinberger, P. E. 2006. Co-opting the PLO.p. 17 [8] Ibid p. 17 [9] Ibid p. 18 [10] Freedman, R. O. 1998. The Middle East and the peace process. p. 20 [11] Ibid p. 21 [12] Ibid p. 21 [13] Brown 2003 p. 9 [14] Ibid p. 10 [15] Freedman 1998 p. 20 [16] Jones 1999 p. 130 [17] Ibid p. 131 [18] Brown 2003 p. 10 [19] Kelman, H. C. 1999. The interdependence of Israeli and Palestinian national identities: The role of the other in existential conflicts. P. 581 [20] Ibid 1999 p. 582 [21] Barnett, M. 1999. Culture, strategy and foreign policy change: Israel’s road to Oslo. p. 5 [22] Armstrong, K. 1996 p. 50 [23] Sasley, B. E. 2010 p. 688 [24] Hatina, M. 1999p. 38 [25] Gorelick, B. A. 2003 p. 652 [26] Ibid 2003 p. 653 [27] Celso, A. N. 2003. The Death of the Oslo Accords: Israeli Security Options in the Post-Arafat Era.p. 68 [28] Pundak, R. 2001. From Oslo to Taba: What Went Wrong? [29] Horowitz 2005 p. 2 [30] Atran, S., Axelrod, R., Davis, R. and Others. 2007. Sacred barriers to conflict resolution p. 1039 [31] Celso, A. N. 2003 p. 67 [32] Ibid p. 68 [33] Ibid p. 68 [34] Ibid. p. 69 [35] Atran et al 2007, p. 1040 [36] Ibid 2007 p. 1041 [37] Ibid 2007 p. 1042 [38] Sasley, 2010 p. 688 [39] Ibid 2010 p. 688 [40] Atran et al 2007, p. 1041 How to cite Oslo Accords and the period 1993-1994, Essay examples

Desiderius Erasmus free essay sample

Erasmus Desiderius Erasmus Roterodamus (27 October 1466 12 July 1 536), known as Erasmus of Rotterdam, or simply Erasmus, was a Dutch Renaissance humanist, Catholic priest, social critic, teacher, and theologian. He was most widely known for his critical and satirical writings. He attempted to reform the Church and because of that, was prosecuted by many people. I am going to consider for and against his deeds and make my own Judgement. Most of the opinions differ. Erasmus became humanist because of his education and morality. He was an intelligent and strong- minded person. He travelled a lot, so that he became a European scholar with huge knowledge of classical literature. Erasmus believed that education could change the world and I strongly agree with him. In his work Adages (1500) he aimed to make classical learning opened to a public and more than 800 sayings in Latin and Greek were explained, which means that he really tried to achieve the goal of reflecting every aspect of the Christian humanism. We will write a custom essay sample on Desiderius Erasmus or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Later, he created New Testament in Greek (1 516), which was the first ork available in Greek, not in Latin, with lots of notes and explanations, in cosequence of, all public got a great opportunity to access this testament and become more educated. He lived as a devout Christian, but was concerned with the corruption that had spread through the religious positions of the Church. However, Erasmus believed that religious revolt led directly to anarchy; therefore he took the side of neither the Pope, nor the reform radical, Martin Luther. In all his criticism of clerical follies and abuses, he had always carefully hedged himself about with protests, that he was not attacking church institutions themselves and had no enmity toward the persons of churchmen. The world had laughed at his satire, but only a few obstinate eactionaries had seriously interfered with his activities. He had a right to believe that his work so far had commended itself to the best minds and also to the dominant powers in the religious world. His criticism of the Church was therefore heard throughout Europe. He preferred reasoning to bloodshed, unlike many others of his time. While he did not criticize the Church as much as Luther had, he did call for an end to the corruption that had seeped to the core of the Church. However, it is thought that Erasmus tried to undermine the Church, destroy its form. Again, in those Praise of Folly he argued with popes who claimed to be the Christ representatives on earth: Practically no class of man lives so comfortably with fewer cases; for they believe they do quite enough for Christ if they play their part y means of every kind of ceremonial and display for them it is out of fashion to pertorm miracles, teaching the people is too much like nard work and praying is a waste of time. Without formally speaking out against the Pope, Erasmus implies that the Pope put on a facade as an all-knowing, all-powerful mortal. He states here that the Pope has no true knowledge as to what God expects from his worshipers. He cannot believe that these lucky scientist s find people to believe them. With this last statement, he calls to the people of the Church to not accept everything that is told to them from corrupt authority fgures. He gives an attack on the standarts of the members of the Church. Also, in his second edition of the New Testament in Greek he weakened the Church because he undermined the authority of it by criticising texts on which it relied. Finally, I came to conclusion that Erasmus and other Christiam humanists attempted to reform the Church by calling to the return to the simplicity of the first Christians. They tried to stop the corruption. Erasmus tried to broaden and clear the minds of people. In his Freedom of the Will (1524) he stated that humankind could choose his own density. So, he did not want to undermine the Church completely but make it easier to understand. He changed the education bases. From the Handbook of a Christian soldier (1 503): Charity does not consist in many visits to churches, bowing own in front of statues of saints, in the lighting of candels or repeating set prayers. Of these things God has no need. Charity is to love your neighboor. In my personal opinion, Erasmus was a great man. He reasoned while others fought. He was courageous in his criticism of the Church. He was a pacifist and a man of tolerance. He was disdainful of cardinals who were too much involved with making money and concerns of the world. Erasmus has Just fighted for his views of life, not paying attention on his enemies. Bibliography: AQA History AS